Augusta Cornelia Salonina

Michael Goran

Mitchell Grave

Kevin Grossart

Insa Korte

Elena Lehmann

Brikena Ramadani

Ann-Christine Sander

The period in which Cornelia Salonina lived is known as the "imperial crisis". This crisis was not characterized by economic problems alone, as one might assume, but by the fact that the respective emperors were never able to remain in office for long. Many of the emperors only ruled for a few months or even weeks. It was only when Valerian took office in 253 that it seemed as if a new dynasty could be formed. Valerian ruled until 260 together with his son, Salonina's husband, Gallienus, whom he had elevated to Augustus in the same year. Although this form of dual rule between father and son was not new, it offered many advantages. The fact that Gallienus was already an adult when he took office meant that he was able to play an active role in shaping political events. De facto, this amounted to a division of responsibilities. Valerian endeavored to solve the problems on the eastern border of the empire, while Gallienus took on the threat posed by the Germanic tribes in the west.

As Valerian's wife Mariniana was already dead when he ascended the throne, Salonina took on the role of the only Augusta. It is possible that she was elevated to this rank in 254. Cornelia Salonina bore her husband two, possibly three children. Gallienus sent them, still minors, to various trouble spots in the empire. Although they were not there to actively combat problems, their task was rather to represent the emperor through their presence and thus gain support for him. However, Valerianus Iunior died in the first half of 258 and was subsequently elevated to the status of god (ILS 556). Very little is known about the life of Salonina herself. However, like her sons, she played an important representative role in promoting the emperor's rule.

In 262, Gallienus celebrated the tenth anniversary of his reign, which was taken as an opportunity to praise a new "golden" age.[1] From 260, he ruled alone after his father was taken into Persian captivity, from which he was never to return. It is hard to imagine a greater crisis. It was therefore all the more important to pool the remaining forces. In the year of his capture, Saloninus received the title of Augustus in Cologne. However, he was executed shortly afterwards by the Gallic usurper Postumus. Under these circumstances, Gallienus only managed to hold on for another six years. Opposing emperors arose everywhere. The most dangerous were Postumus in Gaul and Odaenathus in Palmyra. The last son of Gallienus, perhaps also a nephew, Marianus, was only born shortly before the end of his reign. The desperate situation is also reflected in the fact that he was appointed consul suffectus in 268 despite his age.
Gallienus died in the same year during the siege of Milan, where the usurper Aureolus had retreated. Salonina was present during this campaign and wanted to ensure the loyalty of the soldiers to the emperor through her presence. Gallienus did not die in battle against the rebel, but fell victim to a plot by the generals, who feared she would be deposed.
Salonina's fate is uncertain, but as a prominent figure in Valerian-Gallienus rule, she probably also died in the course of this plot. In any case, Marinianus and a brother of Gallienus were killed on the orders of the Senate (Zonar. 12.26).

[1] Bleckmann, B., Die severische Familie und die Soldatenkaiser, in: Hildegard Temporini-Gräfin Vitzham, Die Kaiserinnen Roms, Verlag C.H. Beck, Munich, 2002, pp.265-339

All in all, the literary sources provide only scant information about Cornelia Salonia: the empress was primarily the wife of Gallienus and the mother of Saloninus. Nevertheless, the brief texts, which generally feature Gallienus as the main character, do the reader a further service by offering small notes that invite interpretation. For example, the imperial biography by the late antique Roman historian Sextus Aurelius Victor reports, among other things, on Gallienus' love for another woman, Pipa (or Pipara), the daughter of the barbarian king Attalus (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,6). Through the Historia Augusta and other sources, the reader learns that it is closest to the truth that Saloninus' name comes from his mother's name (Historia Augusta Gall. 21,3). But why the emphasis on this fact, which can also be found in other texts? Since it is mentioned, it must have preoccupied the ancients. Was it to counteract a rumor or perhaps a fact? It is possible that Gallienus' mistress Pipa played a greater role in this matter than assumed. The literary sources also show Cornelia Salonina as an empress who stayed in the immediate vicinity of Gallienus, even when he went to war, as the Byzantine historian Johannes Zonaras reports in his epitome historiarum that the empress, although guarded, could certainly be in danger (Zonaras 12,25). The reign of Gallienus can be characterized as weak from the literary texts. Depictions of Salonina are apparently intended to underline this: not only did he cheat on his wife and prefer a barbarian woman to her, but other texts also suggest that he was unable to assert himself. Although the couple supported the philosopher Plotinus (Porphyrios, Vita Plotini 12), Hofränke allegedly prevented them from making further plans. Elsewhere, Salonina tried to counteract the supposedly problematic decisions of the ruler at court, proving to be wiser than the ruler (An. Cont. fr. 5.1 = Müller FHG 4. 194). The emperor, in turn, allegedly publicly undermined the authority of his wife (HA Gall. 12.5).

The sources thus present the reader with a picture of Cornelia Salonina Augusta that oscillates in clarity:

Although the portraits differ in their external appearance and in details of the hairstyle, both radiate a motherliness that can be described as characteristic.

In the bust from St. Petersburg, this motherliness is combined with severity and thoughtfulness. In the head from Rome, on the other hand, the strictness gives way to youthfulness and light-heartedness, which is created by the well-rounded face.

Depending on the phase of life and intentions of Salonina and the emperor, both portraits could be depictions of Augusta Salonina. The head from Rome could be a depiction of Salonina at a young age and thus at the beginning of her marriage to Gallienus. She was already the only Augusta during the reign of Valerian, her father-in-law. This interpretation would be supported by the fact that, as a well-fed young woman, she embodied the appearance of freshness and fertility. The birth of her three sons Valerianus, Saloninus and Marinianus underlines this assumption, as Augusta thus demonstrated her good childbearing ability.

Whether this foundation gave her the self-confidence to later act as a partner alongside Gallienus can only be assumed. However, the portrait from St. Petersburg would suggest that this was the case, as it shows a woman who has already aged but is still characterized by fertility attributes and has gained a lot of character. Her gaze is no longer directed neutrally forwards, but stubbornly to the side. Her eyebrows are thoughtfully drawn together and the first wrinkles are visible on her face. This suggests that Salonina had assumed a new position in the dominion, a position in which her femininity played a subordinate role. The portrait, in conjunction with the literary records, suggests that Salonina acted as a partner and advisor to Gallienus, particularly in the last phase of her life, and not just as the mother of his children[1].

We may therefore be dealing with two types of portrait that represent two different phases of Augusta's life. Salonina as the wife of the successor and co-augustus, who was merely expected to continue the dynasty, and Salonina as a partner at the side of the sole ruler Gallienus, on whose shoulders the responsibility for the empire also rested.

[1] Porphyrios, Vita Plotini 12, Zonaras 12, 25.

Types of inscriptions

White inscriptions

The structure of Roman inscriptions usually follows stereotypical formulations. Therefore, abbreviations are usually used for common phrases and nouns. This is of course also the case with the form of consecration inscriptions.
In addition to the name (in the dative case) of the deity to whom the dedication is made and the name of the dedicant (i.e. the person paying homage to the deity) itself, the typical dedicatory inscription usually also contains a dedicatory formula characterized by words such as sacrum (consecrated), dedicavit (he/she has dedicated) and so on. In addition, the hoped-for effect of the dedication is usually mentioned (e.g. pro salute, for the salvation [of emperors, for example]). A divine inspiration is often cited as the reason for making the inscription (e.g. ex iussu, by order [of the deity]). If a vow (votum) precedes the foundation of a dedicatory inscription, then these inscriptions end with the letters VS or VSLM, abbreviations of the phrases Votum Solvit (He/she has fulfilled the vow.) and Votum Solvit Libens Merito (He/she has fulfilled the vow gladly and duly.).

Honorary inscriptions

An honorary inscription should, above all, honor outstanding personalities such as emperors or high magistrates. It begins with the name (in the dative case) of the person to be honored. In order to praise the person's special social position and merit, their titles and honors, which sometimes make up the majority of the inscription, then follow. In the case of emperors, all the victors and honorary names are usually mentioned (e.g. Germanicus Maximus), as well as the number of offices and official powers (Tribunicia potestas, etc.).
Inscriptions can be dated using this precise imperial titulature. An honorific inscription usually ends with the name of the dedicant himself. These are often the city superiors of a provincial city, which is why the inscription is usually abbreviated to DD (decurionum decreto, by order of the decurions. I.e. the city council, which acts as the dedicant here).

Building inscriptions

Building inscriptions on public and private buildings:

Building inscriptions are characterized by the naming of the builders and often also a dedication to the emperor and his dynasty (Pro Salute Domus Divinae, for the salvation of the divine house [i.e. the imperial house]). In this type of inscription, a verb of construction is usually used (e.g. fecit, he/she has made/built) and an indication (often with HS, sestertii) of costs and financing (e.g. de suo, from own resources) is given. Building inscriptions were either found on plaques attached to the buildings or were carved on the buildings themselves.

Milestones

Traditionally, the inscriptions on milestones are counted as building inscriptions.
Their special feature, however, is that in the period relevant to us (namely after the reign of Septimius Severus), they increasingly omitted the indication of the caput viae (literally "head of the road", meaning the starting point of the road, i.e. the city from which the road starts), indication of the miles, etc., but instead emphasized praise of the emperor and his dynasty.
The structure is thus similar to that of honorary inscriptions, as particular importance is attached to complete imperial titulature.

The structure of a typical Cornelia Salonina inscription:

CIL 14, 5335 is an example of the structure of a Cornelia Salonina inscription.
Saloninae / Augustae / per omnia concordi / et consorti Gallieni / Augusti n(ostri) / Flavius / Priscus
This honorific inscription, addressed to Cornelia Salonina, begins with the name of Salonina Augusta in the dative case (Saloninae Augustae). It then refers to her function as the consort (consorti) of the ruler Gallienus (Gallieni Augusti nostri) through everything (per omnia). The inscription concludes by naming the dedicant, Flavius Priscus. However, Salonina is often referred to as the wife (coniux) rather than the companion of Gallienus.

Evaluation: Cornelia Salonina in the epigraphic evidence

The Latin inscriptions still preserved today that mention Cornelia Salonina are primarily dedicatory and honorific inscriptions, some of which are dedicated to Cornelia Salonina alone, but some are also dedicated to the imperial couple (or their salus). Geographically, the majority of the inscriptions come from the province of Africa Proconsularis. However, there are also inscriptions from Rome, Etruria and Campania.

The number of inscriptions is relatively small, which is probably due not only to the political circumstances in the middle of the third century AD[1], but above all to the fact that Cornelia Salonina most likely fell victim to a damnatio memoriae after her death.[2] This damnatio memoriae was probably not pronounced for her directly, but only for her husband Gallienus. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that her legacy was ostracized together with that of her husband due to the role she had played politically during her lifetime. This is also supported by the violent death of Gallienus, who fell victim to a plot by his own generals.[3] As there are no known sources in which Cornelia Salonina is mentioned after the death of her husband, it is likely that she also died during the unrest and was the victim of a damnatio memoriae.

Similar to the coin finds, the inscriptions show Cornelia Salonina preferably in the role of a wife or mother. Almost all inscriptions[4] refer to her special position as the wife of Gallienus, but also to a limited extent to her role as a mother in the dynastic network. Inscriptions with other connotations can hardly be found, so that it can be concluded that Cornelia Salonina was particularly stylized in her role as wife. This is also supported by inscription no. 58[5], which depicts Salonina as her husband's consort.
This brought her closer to her husband. Both are thus perceived as a couple to the outside world. This reinforces the assumption of a damnatio memoriae for the ruling couple.
Furthermore, some of the surviving inscriptions show Cornelia Salonina as a typical empress with the epithets to be expected of a Roman empress, such as sanctissima[6]. However, these epithets are comparatively few[7] Nevertheless, the inscriptions for Salonina exhibit certain peculiarities that can only be found in the epigraphic evidence for empresses from the 3rd century AD onwards. For example, the honorific sanctissima Augusta has only been used to address the Roman empress since Julia Mamaea[8].[9] In addition, titular links can be found to the titulature of Julia Domna, who was called the first Roman empress mater Augusti[10] and mater castrorum et senatus et patriae[11].[12] However, Salonina's primary role as wife implies that she is less often given the "maternal" title used since Julia Domna[13] in the inscriptions dedicated to her. Moreover, the epigraphic evidence does not refer to Salonina as pia and felix, as was the case with Julia Domna. Both epithets are reserved for the ruler.

In general, it seems that a certain restraint characterizes the honours paid to the empress.[14] Cornelia Salonina is only mentioned in seven inscriptions with the title of mater castrorum, which has military connotations.[15] The titles mater senatus (five times) and mater patriae (once) are also rarely mentioned in the inscriptions. Although some of the dedicatory and honorific inscriptions refer to Salonina as a mother, she is never honored in her role as such.
This finding can presumably be explained by the fact that since the sole rule of Gallienus, veneration of Salonina in her role as mother was no longer so important, but her role as wife came to the fore.[16] This assumption is supported by the fact that no reference to Salonina's sons can be found in any of the inscriptions. It can therefore be assumed that the inscriptions date to the time after the death of Valerianus Caesar and Saloninus. After the loss of their two sons, the previously dynastic ideology of Gallienus and Salonina began to falter. Inscription no. 2[17] must be interpreted against this background. Due to its reference to Salonina as mater Augustorum nostrorum, the inscription must be dated to before 258 AD. The emphasis on Salonina's role as mother is to be understood as a future outlook on Salonia's role as the progenitor of the Gaulish dynasty and thus summarizes the ideology of rule of Gallienus and Salonina. Since the death of Saloninus at the latest, however, a caesura in the ideology of rule can be discerned, as the depiction of Salonina as a mother is replaced by her depiction as a wife.

The decurions of the respective region are usually named as the patrons or initiators of the inscriptions dedicated exclusively to Salonina. In very few cases do individuals appear as dedicators. Inscriptions dedicated to the imperial couple, on the other hand, primarily mention soldiers as the authors.
The geographical distribution of the inscriptions can be explained on the one hand by the presence of troops and on the other by the connection of certain cities with the imperial couple or the empress herself.
For example, five inscriptions come from the colonia Iunonia Faliscorum. Two of them report that Salonina had presented herself as generous to the town and had thus rendered outstanding services. The remaining three are dedicated to the empress's numen. All inscriptions were placed under Tyrius Septimius Azizus. The latter was a knight with oriental roots who, as an imperial administrative official, was to oversee the financial administration of the colonia Faliscorum.[18] One possible explanation for the special benevolence of the ruling couple towards the colonia Iunonia Faliscorum is probably that Mariniana, the mother of Gallienus, came from this colonia.[19] Another possibility is that it was Gallienus who first granted the city its status as a colonia.
Nevertheless, a reference to Salonina can be found in the name of the colonia itself. The name Iunonia Faliscorum indicates a connection between the colonia and Iuno. A similar connection with Iuno is also documented for Salonina by numismatic finds[20]. Some of her coins depict Cornelia Salonina together with Iuno, creating a parallelism between the colonia and Cornelia Salonina, which may even indicate a more direct connection between the city and the empress.

Another example of such a connection between the city and the empress can be found in the inscriptions for Salonina from Lepcis Magna. As inscriptions no. 32[21] and no. 33[22] show, Salonina was not only referred to as Cornelia Salonina sanctissima Augusta nostra, but her gentile name was also transferred to the colonia Ulpia Trajana. This special honor as well as the designation of Salonina as nostrae is only found in the inscriptions from Lepcis Magna for Salonina and thus represents an exception for her inscriptions, which should be given special attention. It is possible that a connection with the local governor P. Cornelius Saecularis[23] could be identified here. This assumption is strengthened by the fact that the inscriptions found in Lepcis Magna are primarily dedicated to the empress and less to the emperor himself.
Nevertheless, it must be noted that the addition of the ruler's name to the city name is also proven in the case of Gallienus[25] and that this practice is a means of propaganda[26] for the ruler.

Despite the damnatio memoriae, many inscriptions can still be found, particularly in the province of Africa Proconsularis, which can be reliably attributed to Cornelia Salonina. Consequently, the damnatio memoriae could not or was not enforced in all parts of the Roman Empire. The reasons for this are probably manifold and can hardly be reconstructed with certainty today. This is also due to the fact that many of the inscriptions we have today are only fragmentary and their content is therefore difficult to reconstruct. To make matters worse, there is generally very little historically verified information about Cornelia Salonina, which makes a detailed analysis of the surviving inscriptions considerably more difficult.

[1] Johne, K.-P., Hartmann, U., Gerhardt, T., Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser, Akademie Verlag, Berlin, 2008 [2] The inscription CIL 5, 857 is a good example of this. On the assumption that a damnatio memoriae is present here, see Klein, B., Tranquillina, Otacilia, Etruscilla, Salonina, Vier Kaiserinnen des 3. Jhd. n. Chr., Diss. Saarbrücken, 1998, p. 235. [3] Bleckmann, B., Die severische Familie und die Soldatenkaiser, in: Hildegard Temporini-Gräfin Vitzthum (ed.), Die Kaiserinnen Roms, Von Livia bis Theodora, Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich, 2002, p. 316f. [4] Ten inscriptions refer to Salonina as mater. Thirty-six inscriptions refer to her as coniux, which clearly emphasizes her role as wife. [5] CIL 14, 5335. 6] The epithet sanctissima is found a total of seventeen times in the inscriptions. [7] Thus the epithet sanctissima is mentioned only seventeen times in the inscriptions. [8] Julia Mamaea was the mother of the Roman emperor Severus Alexander, who reigned from 222 to 235 AD. [9] Kuhoff, W., Zur Titulatur der römischen Kaiserinnen während der Prinzipatszeit, Klio 75, 1993, p. 254. 10] For examples, see inscriptions no. 2 (AE 1990, 227) and no. 49 (CIL 6, 1107 (p 844, 3071, 4324)). [11] Inscription no. 48 (CIL 5, 857 = InscrAqu-1, 447 = IEAquil 75) is cited here as an example. [12] Klein, 1998, p. 255 [13] Julia Doman was the second wife of the Roman emperor Septimius Severus (193-211 AD) and mother of the later Roman emperors Caracalla (211-217 AD) and Geta (co-regent in 211). [14] Bleckmann, 2002, p. 311f. [15] Examples are inscriptions no. 1 (SupIt 1 FN, 12 = AE 1982, 272), 14 (CIL 9, 4961), 16 (CIL 10, 5828), 22 (CIL 11, 3092) and 47 (CIL 6, 1106 (p 3071, 3778, 4324) = CIL 11, 279 = D 548 = AE 1992, 78). [16] Bleckmann, 2002, p. 312 [17] AE 1990, 227 [18] Klein, 1998, p. 236 [19] Cf. Klein, 1998, p. 237 Klein even goes one step further and suggests that Salonina may also have had roots in the colonia Faliscorum. [20] An example of this is the coin RIC 92, which is also shown under the "Coins" tab on this website. [21] IRT 284 = Leptis Magna 83 = AE 1950, 206. [22] IRT 456 = AE 1950, 208 = IRT-S, 24. [23] Cf. IRT 678. [24] However, this would be very peculiar for the time of Gallienus. Cf. Christol, Michel, Essai sur l'évolution des carrières sénatoriales : dans la seconde moitié du IIIe siècle ap. J. C., Nouv. ed. Latines, Paris, 1986, p. 188 [25] Cf. the inscription AE 1999, 1830 from Carthago: " ] / [col(onia) Conc(ordia) Iul(ia) Aurel(ia) Ant(oniniana)] / Gallieniana [Carthago] / devota n[umini] / maiestati[que eius] / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ecunia) p(ublica)"; but also de Blois, Lukas, The policy of the emperor Gallienus, Brill, Leiden, 1976, p. 115. 115 [26] Klein, 1998, p. 245.

 Here you will find all inscriptions on Cornelia Salonina.

A total of 178 coins document Salonina's role in the reign of her father-in-law and husband. In some cases, the empress is depicted in profile on the obverse and on the reverse as the personification of a goddess or as the goddess herself. However, the double-sided depiction on a coin is only the case if the coin is dedicated directly to the empress. In the case of Salonina, there are around 74 coins of this type.

Depictions of Salonia as Venus are particularly common. Salonia is either depicted as Venus genetrix or as Venus victrix. The Venus genetrix (RIC V 8) has various attributes: She is either wearing a helmet or holding an apple and palm branch. There is always a sceptre in one hand. The god Cupid is often depicted at her feet - probably as an image of a child. Venus genetrix is the progenitor of the Roman people. This makes Salonina, as empress, the mother of the Roman people.

The Venus victrix and the Venus genetrix become increasingly similar over the course of Gallienus' reign. However, the Venus genetrix is the more significant and important depiction of Venus that shows Salonina.

The Venus victrix (RIC V 86) has similar attributes, albeit with a different meaning. Like the Venus genetrix, she has Cupid at her feet. She is depicted with or without a shield. Venus victrix is the "victorious one" or the "one who brings victory". In this version, Salonina thus becomes a goddess of the Roman people who brings good luck. Military coinage also refers to the loyalty of the soldiers.

Another frequent depiction is Salonina as Pietas (RIC V). Similar to Venus genetrix, she can be seen as a kind of mother or as the personification of loyalty to gods and men. Her attributes are a box of perfumes, a sceptre or a sacrificial vessel. Several children usually sit at her feet or she sits at an altar to pray or make sacrifices.

There are also numerous coins with the image of Juno. Juno is the goddess of birth, marriage and care. She is also the patron saint of the mint of Rome. Her attributes include the sceptre, the sacrificial vessel and the peacock. Since Faustina, empresses have also been depicted as Juno Regina (RIC V 46), the wife of the supreme god Jupiter, with whom she is worshipped on the Capitoline Hill in Rome. Rather unusual is Iuno conservator, probably from the year 256.

These four examples show the program that was followed when minting coins. Salonia embodies goddesses whose virtues and functions a woman should possess. Particularly common is the maternal depiction, who protects the Roman people and also supports the city of Rome. Other important functions that an empress had to offer the people or the emperor were fertility, fidelity, happiness, peace, modesty, security, wealth or well-being. Aequitas, justice, on the other hand, is a ruler's virtue, as is virtus. It is clear that the coins do not depict Salonina as a person. Her personality is placed in the background and attributes are attributed to her that benefit the overall welfare of the people and the emperor. The fecunditas coinages from the years 256-7, which were issued in silver and small coins, stand in contrast to the fecunditas Aug(ustae), for which gold quinars were even issued. The latter may indicate the third and last birth.

If coins are analyzed that show or embody Salonina on both the obverse and reverse, a specific theme is also chosen. Salonina is shown in profile, her gaze directed to the right. Her hair is braided into a contemporary melon hairstyle, with individual strands braided back close to her head and ending in a single braided plait. This is then pinned up and adorned with a stephane. A robe and a crescent moon are also recognizable. This crescent moon refers to the goddess Diana, the goddess of hunting and the moon. On the antonians, Salonina's portrait is always positioned on the crescent moon. This parallels her coinage with the antonian coins of Gallienus, whose portrait on the antonian coins is adorned with the crown of rays. Emperor and Empress are Sol and Luna; Helios and Selene; Sun and Moon. Diana is transformed from a protector of women, girls and childbirth to an astral deity. The surrounding inscription usually reads SALONINA AVG, Empress Salonina.

Finally, it should be mentioned that dating the coins proves to be difficult. The individual coins for Salonina appear to relate to the years 254 to her death around 268.

The portraits of Salonina mark two different periods in Augusta's life. They indicate that different demands were placed on Cornelia Salonina at different times. One portrait shows a young, well-fed woman, seemingly carefree. The other depicts an aged and worried woman, but still characterized by attributes of fertility. The historical context tells us that at the beginning of the marriage between Gallienus and Salonina, the unity between Gallienus and Valerian must have been very strong, as Valerian appointed his son as co-regent. Salonina was assigned the role of dynastic representation, which is reflected in the youthful portrait. After Valerian had been captured by the Parthians and Gallienus himself could no longer trust his generals, it is likely that Salonina was one of her husband's few close confidants and took on the role of a partner to a greater extent than in the period of Samian rule. The second portrait confirms this thesis, as the first wrinkles can be seen, which are intended to indicate her wisdom and life experience and thus make her recognizable as Gallienus' advisor. The similarities in the depictions of Gallienus and Salonina also indicate that the couple's strength and unity were intended to radiate outwardly. It is therefore likely that Gallienus relied heavily on Salonina as a pillar of his rule towards the end of his reign and wanted this to be communicated to the outside world.

The epigraphic evidence also reveals a caesura in the depiction of Salonina. During the Samian reign of Valerian and Gallienus, the inscriptions increasingly refer to Cornelia Salonina's role as a mother, thus pointing to dynastic rule as a political program. This ideology of rule began to falter after the death of her sons at the latest, as a dynastic policy of rule was no longer possible for the time being. From then on, the reference to her as a mother is no longer found in the Latin inscriptions. In contrast, Cornelia Salonina is portrayed more strongly in her role as the emperor's wife andconsort (consors) of the emperor Gallienus, which also characterizes the new ideology of rule.

Salonina's position as representative of the ruling dynasty and advisor or co-regent of Gallienus can also be seen in the coin depictions. In the role of dynastic representation, depictions of Salonina as the personification of a goddess or as a goddess herself are more frequent. This occurs on the reverse, while Gallienus occupies the obverse of the coins. Dating this type of coin proves to be difficult. If Salonina is depicted on both the obverse and the reverse, these coins are directly dedicated to her. They refer to the period of their joint regency and relate to the years 254 to her death in 268, although exact dating proves difficult here too. It is striking, however, that one coin with a double portrait of Gallienus and Salonina on the obverse and several Antonians with the portrait of the ruler on the obverse and that of Augusta on the reverse were issued during the period of sole rule. The program of the coins after 260 is clearly expanded for Salonina, when the military is now also included or Salonina is associated with new beginnings and salvation.

In contrast, the literary sources paint a completely different picture of the relationship between Gallienus and Salonina. However, it must be borne in mind that, unlike the sources already described, these were only written after the failure of Gallienus and thus intended to criticize the emperor.

In this sense, the literary sources show an ambivalent relationship between the ruling couple. On the one hand, the relationship appears to be traditionally oriented towards the usual values, with Augusta offering her husband support. On the other hand, this relationship is also severely damaged by the emperor's escapades and whims. But it is not Cornelia Salonina who is exposed to humiliation as a result. It is the emperor who humiliates himself by exposing his wife to the humiliation of adultery and the ridicule of the population. This means that the literary sources are hardly suitable for reconstructing historical reality, but at best allow for individual observations, the historicity of which is more than problematic.

The historical person Salonina remains almost completely in the dark after all the sources have been evaluated. Her position as a public figure, on the other hand, can be recognized quite clearly.

1. Banti, A., I grandi bronzi imperiali, sesterzi e medaglioni classificati secondo il sistema Cohen 4, 3, 1987, 346.
2. Bernoulli, J.J., Die Bildnisse der römischen Kaiser und ihrer Angehörigen, Stuttgart 1894 (ed. Hildesheim 1969) = Römische Ikonographie, vol. 2, 3, 171-173.
3. Bleckmann, B., Gallienus and Salonina. Dynastic stability in the imperial crisis, in: Temporini, H. (ed.), Die Kaiserinnen Roms. From Livia to Theodora, Munich 2002, 310-317.
4. de Blois, L., The policy of the Emperor Gallienus, Leiden 1976.
5. Blunt, C. E., Roman coins from Norfolk. NC [n.d.], 1931, 316-317.
6. Callu, J. P., Pia felix, RN, 2000, 189-207.
7. Cesano, S. L., Salonina Augusta in Pace, RPAA 25 - 26, 1949-1951, 105-121.
8. Crnobrnja, N., Predstave krsta na jednom antoninijanu carice Salonine. The inscription of a cross of an antoninian of the empress Salonina, Numizmatičar (Beograd) 17, 1994, 35-46.
9. Doyen, J.M., Imitations d'antoniniens au nom de Salonine et de Gallien, 260 - 268, Bulletin du Cercle d'études numismatiques 17, 1980, 15-18.
10. Dupré, N., Un lot de 13 antoniniani découvert à Belo en 1973, MCV 11, 1975, 535-543.
11. Durst, G., Coin find of the 3rd century from Alzey, MZ 53, 1938, 59-67.
12. Eads, O., Gens Valerian, II, Gallienus and Salonina, San 5, 1973-1974, 66-69.
13. Ferrari, M., La monetazione di Salonina, NAC 4, 1975, 239-248.
14. Goltz, A.; Hartmann, U., Valerianus und Gallienus, in: Johne, K.-P., (ed.), Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser. Crisis and Transformation of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD, Berlin 2008, 223-295.
15. Iliffe, J. H., Third century portrait busts, QuDAP 2, 1932, 11-14.
16. Jones, J. R., The dal Pozzo Pietas medal and coins of Salonina, NCirc 76, 1968, 36.
17. Karamesini-Oikonomidou, M., Συμβολη εἰς την μελέτην τῆς νομισματοκοπίας τῆς Νικοπόλεως, AEph, 1967, 91-114.
18. Karamésini-Oikonomidou, M., Εὕρημα Νικοπόλεως, AEph, 1971, 42-51.
19. Kirkman, J. S., New varieties of Roman coins from the 1936-1938 excavations at Leicester, NC 20, 1940, 24-31.
20. Klein, B., Tranquillina, Otacilia, Etruscilla, Salonina: vier Kaiserinnen des 3. Jahrhunderts AD. Dissertation, Saarbrücken 1998, 178-250.
21. Kuhoff, W., Rulership and imperial crisis. The reign of the Roman emperors Valerianus and Gallienus (253-268 AD), Bochum 1979
22. Lesnickaja, M. M., Deux portraits romains du IIIe siècle ap. J. C. dans les collections de l'Ermitage, SA 2, 1963, 171-177.
23. Mancini, G., Fossano. Rinvenimento di un ripostiglio di Antoniniani in regione Mellea, NSA 62, 1937, 185-189.
24. Martino Mastrodicasa, N., L'epigrafe di Cornelia Salonina a Iuvanum, in: Fabbricotti E. (ed.), Iuvanum, atti del convegno di studi, Chieti, 1990, 137-141.
25. Milne, J. G., Notes on the Oxford collections, NC 18, 1938, 254-266.
26. Neverov, O., Camée romain avec trois portraits, ComErm 31, 1970, 59-62.
27. Padilla Arroba, Á.; Marín Díaz, M. A., Un tesorillo de antoninianos del siglo III d.C. procedente de Martos (Jaén), FlorIlib 12, 2001, 405-428.
28. Patroni, G., Montecalvo Versiggia. Tesorotto di antoniniani scoperto nella frazione Michelazza. NSA 21, 1924, 278-279.
29. Peachin, M., Gallienus Caesar? ZPE 74, 1988, 219-224.
30. Schmidt, S., Ein Münzschatz aus dem nördlichen Burgenland (2 Denare und 59 Antoniniane von Elagabalus bis Gallienus), NZ 111-112, 2004, 89-101.
31. Sirano, F. Una nuova dedica a Gallieno e Salonina (<<mater castrorum>>) da Teanum Sidicinum. Aspetti della propaganda imperiale nella Regio I, RAAN 72, 2003, 95-124.
32. Sommer, M., The soldier emperors, Darmstadt 2004.
33. Tortoriello, A., Dedica da Liternum al Cesare Salonino del 258-260, AION(archeol) 9-10, 2002-2003, 307-311.
34. Ulrich-Bansa, O., Gli antoniniani colla marca della zecca di Mediolanum (260-268), RIN 64, 1962, 13-51.
35. Vismara, N., Il ripostiglio di Pavia, 1868. Antoniniani di Gallienus e di Salonina, Milan 2002.
36. Wegner, M., Gordianus III. bis Carinus, Berlin 1979 (Das römische Herrscherbild; Bd. III/3).
37. de Witte, J., Mémoire sur l'impératrice Salonine, Académie royale de Belgique 26, 1852, 3-5.

Augustus

This is an honorary title that always refers to the Roman ruler. Salonina's husband Gallienus and her father-in-law Valerian ruled as joint Augusti from 253-268. They also almost always bear the epithets piissimus and felicissimus, and this honorary title was first awarded in 27 BC to Octavian, who went down in history as the first princeps. Since then, Augustus has been used to designate the Roman emperor or, since the Diocletian reforms, the Roman emperors. Since Marcus Aurelius, the title of Augustus could be passed on by the princeps to his son or another deputy, so that a "velvet rule" could be propagated. In later times, the honorary titles pius and felix were often used for the reigning augusti.

Augusta

However, this honorary title for the emperor's wife indicated a form of participation in her husband's rule. Salonina was probably elevated to Augusta in 254. At this time, the ruler's wife always bore the title of Augusta. However, as her husband was subordinate to his father in the ruling role, her elevation to Augusta is quite remarkable. As Valerian's wife may have died before he took office, it was probably not possible to do without an Augusta. However, the Augusta in question had an important ideological significance. As the counterpart to the Roman emperor, she formed the important female part in the concept of the imperial domus. This gave her an important, powerful position at the court of the princeps. Kienast, W., Römische Kaisertabelle, Darmstadt 1990 214; 219.

Dacicus Maximus

Greatest victor over the Dacians. Like the titles Germanicus Maximus (greatest victor over the Germanic tribes) and Parthicus Maximus (greatest victor over the Parthians), this title was an honorary title awarded to the Roman emperor by the Senate in the event of military success. From Hadrianic times onwards, these former hereditary cognomen became personal titles, which were generally formed and awarded in the superlative from the Severan period onwards.

Duumvir

The office of duo vir was one of the two Roman city leaders. He was elected and - like the Roman consul - only held his office for one year. Normally, only wealthy landowners qualified to become duumvir of a colonia, municipium or civitas. As the title suggests, it was always two people who together formed the respective "city government" in accordance with the principle of collegiality. Although the two office holders did not own an empire, they represented the city and ensured the smooth running of the city's political and legal affairs.

Flamen Perpetuus

The flamines in the inscriptions for Salonina are all priests of the emperor. The flamen perpetuus was usually a particularly distinguished imperial priest who, unlike other imperial priests(flamines), held office for life. An imperial priestess was the flaminica, but she did not necessarily have to be the wife of a flamen. The flamen perpetuus had the important task of protecting the imperial flame and keeping it burning. He also acted as a priest in the cult of the emperor.

Imperator

General or the one who holds the imperium (power of command). The troops proclaimed a successful general imperator after a particularly outstanding battle. Augustus used the title imperator as his first name even before he was given the name Augustus. In the later period, the "first name" imperator became a symbol of the ruler's military supremacy(imperium proconsulare) and thus represented a kind of honorary title. In the course of the late Republic, the formal meaning of the term changed to a title borne by the person who was in fact the politically authoritative person. In imperial times, the title referred to the Roman emperor in his function as supreme commander of the army. The title imperator thus became a kind of praenomen of the imperial titulature and also emphasized the military character of the principate.

Majestas

This refers to the "majesty" of the Roman princeps. Attacks on the princeps were seen as a violation of his majestas and were punishable from the early Principate onwards. This included, for example, the violation of imperial cult duties. The phrase devotus numini maiestatique eius (devoted to his/her divine power and majesty) appears in our inscriptions for the first time in 210 for Caracalla and was part of the standard consecration for the ruler and his family in the 3rd century. Clauss, M., Emperor and God. Herrscherkult im Römischen Reich, Munich/Leipzig 1999, 236.

Mater Castrorum

The title of "Mother of the Camp" was also bestowed on the Roman empress as an honorary title from the time of Faustina minor. Like the title of Augusta, the title of mater castrorum had no political or legal function. Instead, the aim was to provide the increasingly important army with a further link to the imperial house. By awarding this title, a strong ideological connection was established between the empress as representative of the imperial domus and the army troops of the empire. The respective empress became a kind of mother of the troops through this honorary title. Iulia Domna was the first woman to receive the title of mater castrorum in 211. In the course of the third century AD, this title was extended to "mater castrorum et senatus et patriae" (meaning "mother of the army camp, the senate and the fatherland"). The empress's role as mother was thus extended to the entire empire. Wolfgang Kuhoff: On the Titulature of Roman Empresses during the Principate Period. In:, Klio . vol. 75, 1993, pp. 244-256.

Numen

In the inscriptions numen is translated as "divine power". In Roman, the term numen refers to the action of a divine power or the action of a deity. The numen of the ruler has been worshipped since Augustus. It is disputed whether or not he was a god during his lifetime. From the imperial period onwards and the accompanying apotheosis of the Roman emperors, their numen, i.e. the inherent work of the deified emperor, was often worshipped. Lexicon of the Ancient World, Klaus Bartels and Ludwig Huber (eds.), Patmos Verlag, Düsseldorf, 2001.

Pater Patriae

In German, this title means "father of the fatherland" and was first awarded to Caesar as a mark of honor. In 2 BC, the Roman Senate bestowed the title on Augustus. From then on, the title became an integral part of the official imperial titulature of the Roman princeps. However, the title continued to be conferred by the Senate and required the approval of the respective emperor. However, some emperors did not bear the title, as it was only conferred by the Senate if the princeps was particularly recognized by the Senate or had already ruled for a long time. In the third century, it was common for an emperor to bear the title. Gallienus became pater patriae with his father in the first year of his reign. Alföldi, A., Der Vater des Vaterlandes im römischen Denken, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, 1971.

Parthicus Maximus

see Dacicus Maximus.

Pontifex Maximus

The pontifex maximus was the supreme priest of the Roman cult of the gods and state cult and thus presided over the college of priests(pontifeces). Augustus had himself elected pontifex maximus after the death of the former triumvir Lepidus in 12 BC. Since then, every emperor has held this office. Unlike every other co-augustus, Gallienus was also pontifex maximus during his father's lifetime. In republican times, the office was only accessible to patricians. From imperial times onwards, the office was held by the respective Roman emperor. The office of pontifex maximus was held in high esteem by the population. His official residence, the Regia, was located in the Forum Romanum. Draper, R. D., The role of the Pontifex Maximus and its influence in Roman Religion and Politics, Inaugural-Dissertation. Ann Arbor, 1988.

Princeps

The "first among the citizens" or "first among equals" was the term Augustus wished to use to describe his role as ruler. Already in the Republic, princeps was used to designate the most respected senators. From 27 BC, Augustus referred to himself as princeps. Based on this, the new political system created by Augustus is known as the principate. The title princeps has its origins in the senatorial office of princeps senatus, who, as primus inter pares, was allowed to cast his vote first in the Senate sessions. Augustus tried to build on this, but coins and inscriptions leave no doubt that princeps was not a title in the true sense of the word, but presumably the form of address for the ruler. At the time of Salonina, it was customary to address the emperor as dominus.

Super Omnes Retro Princeps

This phrase is found above all in honorific inscriptions, but also in dedicatory and building inscriptions and on milestones with dedications. Although this phrase is not part of the official imperial titulature, it has often been used since Severan times to show that the honored princeps stands above all his predecessors and surpasses them. This places the respective honored person above all his predecessors in the hierarchy and emphasizes him.

Vir egregius

Since Marcus Aurelius, the term "outstanding man" (from the crowd) has been used to describe a knight. At the end of the 3rd century, however, further ranks were included here, so that there were ultimately four knightly rank classes, with the vir egregius ultimately occupying the lowest rank class of knights. In our inscriptions, we only find the vir perfectissimus, which designated the highest rank class at the end. This was a position in the knightly career of the imperial era. The prerequisite for entry into the knightly career was a fortune of 400,000 sestertii. As the individual classifications and meanings of the individual offices have changed over the centuries, it is difficult to provide a detailed tabular list and definition. Strothmann, M., vir egregius, DNP 12,2, Stuttgart 2002, 241-2 Schmidt, M. G., Einführung in die lateinische Epigraphik, 2nd ed., Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, 2011.

Vir perfectissimus

see vir egregius.